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The origins of corporate responsibility
for improving work conditions on the South Shore Line beginning
in 1925 can be found more than a decade earlier in the transformation
of public policy accomplished by the Federal Employers’
Liability Act of 1908, the Illinois and Wisconsin Workmen’s
Compensation Acts of 1911, and a progressive response in late
1912 by Middle West Utilities, the holding company owned by
Samuel Insull and managed by his brother Martin J. Insull.
Historians such as Mark Aldrich and Robert Asher have examined
in detail how the various state and federal employee-protection
laws during the Progressive Era quickly made the accidental
injuries or deaths of workers so costly that they no longer
could be considered an incidental expense of conducting business.
Employer liability and workers’ compensation laws created
powerful economic disincentives for continued neglect of unsafe
equipment, shoddy practices, and managerial indifference.
Except for the institution of a safety program at lawsuit-burdened
U.S. Steel in 1906 and at a handful of other large companies,
only the enactment of compulsory legislation beginning in
1908 and favorable judicial review of those laws beginning
in January 1912 prompted corporate leaders to invent an industrial
safety movement for the benefit of the workforce. In response
to state workmen’s compensation laws and widespread
litigation by workers, the National Association of Manufacturers
formed a Committee on Accident Prevention in 1910. In September
1912, the Association of Iron and Steel Electrical Engineers
sponsored the first meeting of the National Safety Council
in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Several months later, perhaps the
first extensive and sustained effort to promote safer working
conditions for electric railroad and utility workers began
under the auspices of holding company Middle West Utilities
with the incorporation of a Bureau of Safety in Chicago.
The new bureau came under the direction of Charles B. Scott,
a former claim agent for the Louisville and Southern Indiana
Traction Company and the Louisville Northern Railway and Light
Company, on 1 January 1913. Prior to his appointment, Scott
had served for about seven years as an associate and eventually
as the assistant to Martin J. Insull, the general manager
of both electric railroads. At the time, Middle West Utilities
was the holding organization for more than 230 electrical
lighting and power plants, gas and water utility companies,
ice-manufacturing works, street railways, and electric interurban
railroads in Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma,
and certain New England states. The newly incorporated Bureau
of Safety would promote efficient, progressive, and safe operating
practices and worker-manager safety programs in all of the
subsidiary utility and electric railway companies, including
Commonwealth Edison in the Chicago area. Within months, the
electric railroad industry began reporting about the Bureau
of Safety and the Insull management team’s approach
to improving work conditions as a model for progressive electric
railroading.
The development of improved work conditions for workers on
Insull-owned railroads near Chicago began in 1914 on the Chicago
Elevated Railways (later the Chicago Rapid Transit Company).
Chicago Elevated Railways president Britton I. Budd commented
in late 1914, two years after the formation of the Bureau
of Safety, that “while it is easy to start ‘safety
first’ systems, the difficulty lies in following them
up and getting the results which are so essential.”
Budd’s observation proved prescient; the enlistment
and conscription of experienced workers into the armed forces
in 1917 and 1918 resulted in the hiring of inexperienced replacements
and an overall lag in company efforts to promote worker safety.
In late December 1919 Budd reorganized the safety program
and installed Melvin W. Bridges as the company’s safety
engineer. Budd laid out his expectations for mangers in a
meeting 30 December 1919:
Safety work is the most important
thing in connection with our job. It is more important than
keeping trains running on time. We must bring the organization
up to the highest point of efficiency in the matter of safety
of the employees and the public. Recently the enthusiasm has
died down a little, and I wish to see it restored.
Under the direction of the safety
engineer, committees of workers were formed among the transportation,
road, and shop departments on the five geographic divisions
of the Chicago Elevated Railways. Each occupational group
in each department—motormen, conductors, trackmen, painters,
towermen, among others—provided one worker from their
group to serve on the safety committee for three months. Safety
committee members met every two weeks on company time and
received regular wages for the performance of committee work
outside of meetings. However, the superintendents and foremen,
not the workers themselves, selected the workers who would
serve on a safety committee. The committees received and considered
a worker’s notification about a hazard or suggestion
for an improved practice or tool, judged it, and forwarded
the original request and their recommendation to the general
foreman or superintendent for that department, who served
on the divisional safety committee. The divisional safety
committees passed suggestions onto the central safety committee:
the safety engineer, an engineer in management, and three
assistant superintendents of the transportation, road, and
mechanical departments. Two weaknesses in the Chicago Elevated
Railways system become apparent. First, the department foremen
and managers controlled both the composition of local workers’
committees and the evaluation of any worker’s complaint
about unsafe equipment, conditions, or work practices. Second,
a worker’s complaint had to run the gauntlet of three
manager-controlled committees, each increasingly removed from
the problem, before action could be taken.
A more democratic program for improving work conditions took
shape beginning in August 1916 with Middle West Utilities’
acquisition of the debt-ridden Chicago and Milwaukee Electric
Railroad and its reorganization as the Chicago, North Shore
and Milwaukee Railroad. The North Shore Line’s new management
team instituted three crucial initiatives in industrial safety
work: organizational change, educational change, and workplace
and work equipment reengineering. Over the next seven years,
those three aspects of improving worker safety would undergo
modification, reassessment, and refinement, but the project
continued.
On the North Shore Line, as in many similar safety initiatives
in other railroad and manufacturing companies during the 1910s
and 1920s, organizational change usually involved the creation
of a safety department, the appointment of a safety engineer,
and the formation of safety committees in which both workers
and managers participated. Only unwavering managerial commitment
to improving the daily work experiences of railroaders would
improve safety and diminish liability claims. In 1918 the
Bureau of Safety reported to Budd that a “more business-like
consideration of the [bureau’s] work by heads of departments
and a less facetious attitude by some of them towards sincere
suggestions from their subordinates,” along with more
expeditious work by the central safety committee and better
notification of workers about upcoming meetings, would reduce
accident-related expenses. Budd immediately made it clear
to managers that he expected them to listen to North Shore
workers, regardless of rank or occupation. A decade later,
North Shore Line master mechanic Henry Cordell, known by trainmen
as “a warm, sincere man,” reminded attendees of
the National Safety Council’s Electric Railway Section
about the crucial responsibilities managers and foremen held
as leaders, instructors, and coaches. A railroad’s master
mechanic and its safety engineer, Cordell noted, could influence
safer railroad operation simply by walking among the workers
and interacting with them.
Educational change, the second aspect of improving work conditions,
required that the safety engineer teach the supervisors, foremen,
and workers about the unseen dangers of existing work practices,
then convince them to change the ways that foremen assigned
work tasks and workers performed them. Cordell recommended
interesting, active, practical safety meetings— “not
the long, monotonous kind.” First-aid classes, for example,
involved workers in participatory exercises, while first-aid
competitions between teams of workers encouraged sustained
skills. The approach to worker safety on the North Shore Line
also fostered a more democratic and participatory system than
the Chicago Elevated Railways. By early 1919, the North Shore
Line had organized its 625 trainmen, shopmen, maintenance
of way workers, and electrical workers into eleven “safety
leagues” that involved all workers from every department
and shift. Railroad workers in each safety league elected
their own chairman, vice chairman, and secretary for one-year
terms, as well as any necessary subcommittees to examine special
concerns. The worker safety leagues forwarded information
about problems and recommended changes to a central safety
committee, composed of the heads of departments and moderated
by the superintendent of transportation. Unskilled workers
in remote locations, such as track laborers, benefited from
the dispatch of an interurban car to their work site for on-the-road
educational meetings at least once every two months. During
the early 1920s, foremen from the North Shore Line joined
Chicago Elevated Railways foremen in attending and completing
the Chicago Safety Council’s course in occupational
safety and health. On 8 and 9 January 1925 the bureau hosted
its annual “Inter-Company Safety Conference” at
its headquarters in the Edison Building at Clark and Adams
Streets in downtown Chicago. Managers from the railway divisions
of Wisconsin Power and Light Company and southern Indiana’s
Interstate Public Service joined North Shore and Chicago Rapid
Transit representatives in giving presentations, discussing
problems, and listening to guest speakers about topics such
as “Safety Training Course for Linemen.” In a
little over ten years, the issues of reducing workers’
risks and improving work conditions had changed dramatically.
What once had been the subject of litigation was now the focus
of education.
Finally, the reengineering of work equipment and surroundings
allowed safety engineers, foremen, and workers to collaborate
on safeguarding all equipment and removing the workplace as
a factor in worker accidents. Often, safety engineers, workers,
and managers on safety committees surveyed and studied potential
hazards, then recommended changes in structures, equipment,
and tools in order to reengineer the workplace. Examples of
reengineering to remove potential hazards might include redesigning
a line car to feature a movable platform and handrails, reconstructing
the railroad’s right-of-way with wider clearances, and
improving the machinery and layout of the repair shops. Good
housekeeping of the equipment and shop surroundings eliminated
many of the dangers to maintenance workers. Between August
1916 and January 1919, North Shore Line employees identified
and reported 935 perceived problems or hazards; by July 1921,
the number had risen to 2,500. Department managers, in turn,
approved 85 percent of all suggested changes and expended
sizable dollar amounts to correct the problems immediately
or as quickly as funds would allow. Company investment in
reengineering the workplace and equipment acted in two ways:
it provided a visible sign of sincere corporate responsibility
for ensuring the safety of intelligent, careful workers, while
eliminating or minimizing the ability of certain workers to
persist in careless choices.
The new Insull management team’s efforts to improve
work conditions on the North Shore Line showed immediate results.
By the end of 1918, the worker safety program had reduced
the number of disabling accidents suffered by North Shore
Line railroaders by 38 percent from the previous year. In
economic terms, the new proactive approach to railroad workers’
safety reduced the lost work time resulting from accidental
injuries by 34 percent in 1918, when compared with work hours
lost in 1917. When the wartime increase in freight and passenger
traffic to and from Fort Sheridan and Great Lakes Naval Training
Station are considered, as substantiated by a 60 percent increase
in the railroad’s gross earnings in 1918, the reduction
in work-related injuries takes on greater significance. By
1921 the safety campaign had reduced expenses arising from
accidents to a mere 1.18 percent of the railroad’s revenue.
In early 1923, the North Shore and Chicago Rapid Transit celebrated
their successes by inviting employees who had completed a
first-aid training course to a banquet and award ceremony
in downtown Chicago. By August 1926 manufacturers and industrial
managers nationwide had chosen Scott to lead the National
Safety Council.
The purchase of the Chicago, Lake Shore and South Bend Railway
on 29 June 1925 by Midland Utilities, an Insull-owned holding
company for northwest Indiana properties, brought the South
Shore Line into the system that operated the North Shore Line
and the Chicago elevated lines. Historians often have interpreted
the court-ordered sale of the indebted railroad’s assets
to a new corporation, the Chicago, South Shore and South Bend
Railroad, as a watershed event. The arrival of the Midland
Utilities management team in mid-July 1925 also seemed to
support a break with the past. The history of the South Shore
Line from summer 1925 until late 1929 has been portrayed as
a time of complete change. Indeed, the railroad underwent
physical reconstruction of track, the catenary system, and
the power distribution system, while new passenger cars, freight
locomotives, and stations visually represented a “new”
South Shore. This interpretation is certainly accurate in
terms of the visible, physical appearance of the railroad,
but it misses something significant. As a corrective to the
emphasis upon fundamental change, one crucial and often overlooked
source of continuity between old and new must be remembered:
the South Shore’s workers remained the same. Perhaps
the greatest challenge the new management team faced as they
reconstructed the railroad from 1925 through 1929 lay not
in replacing the rails, ties, and electrical equipment, nor
in buying new passenger motors and freight locomotives, but
in securing the trust of the employees and reorientating the
existing workforce to a new, progressive, safer way of railroading.
The details about the South Shore Line’s reconstruction
between 1925 and 1929 have been told elsewhere in two standard
histories of the railroad and have become something of legend
and oral tradition among certain railroad history enthusiasts.
Midland Utilities, drawing from talented officials at Chicago
Rapid Transit Company and the Chicago, North Shore and Milwaukee
Railroad, provided the leadership and finances to rebuild
the South Shore from the roadbed up to the overhead wire.
By October 1925, merely three months after the new management
team took charge of the South Shore, thirteen separate track
gangs labored on replacing ties, resurfacing the entire railroad,
widening the roadbed, improving drainage ditches, and clearing
vegetation and other potential hazards for trainmen from the
right-of-way. Between Kensington and Hammond, section hands
replaced seventy-pound rails with hundred-pound rails, installed
tie plates underneath for the first time, and reballasted
the roadbed with crushed rock in place of old cinders. Electrical
linemen replaced the rigid catenary system with new “superflexible”
wires that would accommodate the anticipated high-speed trains
and 1,500-volt DC electrical equipment. Building tradesmen
enlarged freight and passenger stations and platforms, while
shop workers refurbished the old wood Niles and Kuhlman passenger
cars that were used until the railroad received new equipment
and converted over to a new 1,500-volt DC power distribution
system in late summer 1926. During the first twelve months,
the new management team invested over $2 million in reconstruction
and new equipment.
Structural and operational improvements paid off. Passenger
and freight revenues rose substantially, propelling the line
into Class I railroad status by the end of 1926, boasting
more than one million dollars in net revenue for the year.
A railroad that in 1925 had operated thirty-five daily trains
in three-hour trips every two hours rose to the challenge
of running eighty-one trains every day by spring 1928 and
covering the line in two hours flat by 1929. In 1929 the railroad
won two prestigious industry awards, the Electric Traction
speed trophy and the Charles A. Coffin Foundation’s
prize for the best electric railroad in the country during
the previous year. As the committee that awarded the Coffin
Medal wrote, “Within four years the Chicago South Shore
and South Bend Railroad, usually called the South Shore Line,
has moved figuratively from the scrap heap to the front rank
among the electric railways of America.” The first and
only railroad ever to win both prestigious honors in the same
year, the South Shore quickly became known by the moniker
“First and Fastest.”
These accomplishments did not occur without human cost. The
South Shore Line that Samuel Insull, Jr., took charge of 15
July 1925 was held together for the next year, he later recalled,
with “baling wire and chewing gum.” On 10 April
1926 the fragile interim system failed. On the west end of
an overlapping “gauntlet” track over the Elgin,
Joliet and Eastern Railroad about four miles west of downtown
Gary, a faulty electromagnetic relay switch inside a newly
refurbished signal caused westbound passenger train number
64, comprised of motor car 6 and trailer 111, to receive a
false green signal to proceed from the east end onto the gauntlet
track and up the 2.5 percent grade to the bridge. On the west
end, eastbound train number 63, consisting solely of motor
car 9, had just received a green signal, entered the gauntlet
track, and reached the summit on the bridge when the motorman
saw the oncoming two-car train. Both motormen set the air
brakes into emergency, but the heavy motor cars collided nonetheless,
telescoping motor car 9 about five feet into the vestibule
of car 6. One passenger was killed, while conductor Dabbert
and motorman Kull of ascending westbound train 64 and conductor
Landis and motorman Tibbets of eastbound train 63 were injured
in the crash. Collectors Howard Kroenig and R. C. Iseminger
assisted the injured conductors in evacuating passengers from
the two motor cars, which caught fire and burned beyond repair.
Courageously, the trainmen separated trailer car 111 and its
passengers from the burning car 6 while one of the ticket
collectors called the dispatcher. Eleven passengers suffered
injuries from the collision and resulting fire. Further changes
to the signals eventually reduced failures and restored the
confidence of the trainmen.
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